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Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, previously made his fortune dealing in livestock and precious metals. Today, his RSF militia dominate nearly half of Sudan.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a notable triumph by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the final military stronghold in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his opponents, Hemedti is revered by his followers for his ruthlessness and his vow to overthrow the discredited state.

Humble Beginnings

Hemedti's origins are modest. He hails from the Mahariya clan of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arabic-speaking group that spans Chad and Darfur.

His birth year is approximately 1975, as is common in remote regions, his exact birth details were never recorded.

Led by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan relocated to Darfur in the late 20th century, fleeing conflict and seeking better opportunities.

Initial Ventures

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti started making money by trading camels across the desert to Libya and Egypt.

During that period, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—poor, neglected by the regime of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjaweed attacked villages of the native Fur communities, triggering a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

As a countermeasure, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to spearhead his anti-rebel campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's unit was part of this, implicated in destroying the village of Adwa in November 2004, claiming the lives of 126 people, among them 36 children.

International inquiries determined that the Janjaweed were responsible for genocide.

Strategic Maneuvering

After the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his rise to become leader of a influential militia, a corporate empire, and a political machine.

He briefly mutinied, requesting unpaid salaries for his soldiers, promotions, and a political position for his brother. Bashir acceded to many of his requests.

Subsequently, when other Janjaweed units rebelled, Hemedti led loyalist troops that crushed them, gaining control Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jabel Amir.

Quickly, his business venture Al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Formalizing Power

By 2013, Hemedti asked for and received official recognition as head of the newly formed Rapid Support Forces, answering only to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, getting new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

International Connections

The RSF fought in the Darfur conflict, struggled in the Nuba Mountains, and accepted a contract to guard the Libyan frontier.

Ostensibly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's officers also excelled at extortion and people-trafficking.

By 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE requested Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide his fighters as contractors.

His ties with the UAE proved highly significant, marking the start of a strong alliance with Emirati leadership.

Expanding Influence

Young Sudanese men flocked to RSF enlistment offices for signing bonuses of up to six thousand dollars.

Hemedti struck a partnership with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, particularly in gold.

His trip to Russia occurred on the day of the Ukraine war outbreak.

Turning on Allies

With rising demonstrations, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, dubbing him "my protector".

It was a miscalculation. In 2019, when protesters demanded democracy, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the military leaders deposed him.

Initially, Hemedti was celebrated as a fresh face for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but that lasted only weeks.

Return to Violence

As the transition stalled, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which committed massacres, raped women, and allegedly drowned men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Under foreign pressure, the generals and civilians reached a deal, leading to an uneasy partnership for two years.

Ongoing War

As an investigation started looking into army businesses, the two generals dismissed the civilians and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF come under army command. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units moved to surround strategic locations in Khartoum. The takeover effort was unsuccessful, and fighting erupted city-wide.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit community.

International organizations report up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the US describing it ethnic cleansing.

Present Situation

The RSF has acquired advanced arms, including military drones, deployed against army positions and critical for the capture of el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has created a rival administration, the so-called unity government, taking the chairmanship.

With the capture of al-Fasher, the RSF now controls almost all inhabited territory west of the Nile.

After allegations of mass killings, Hemedti declared an investigation into abuses committed by his soldiers.

Many believe Hemedti sees himself as president of a breakaway state or aspires to control the entire country.

It's also possible, he may become a political puppet master, controlling businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

And as Hemedti's troops commit violence in el-Fasher, he seems assured of avoiding consequences in a global community that overlooks.